THE CAPITAL THAT MOVES ITS PEOPLE - by Muhammad Mercurial

“From its foundation, the city was not simply expanding; it was reorganizing who could remain at the center and who would be pushed to the edges.”In order to explore the theme of stark classism in Abuja, let us go back to the beginning of the FCT, where this inequality first emanated from.Classism in Abuja is not accidental. It begins with the decisions that created the city itself. Abuja was designated as Nigeria’s Federal Capital in 1976 under Murtala Muhammed.However, indigenous communities such as the Gbagyi were offered compensation and relocation. Some accepted and moved, while others resisted or were gradually displaced as development expanded.Furthermore, the idea of Abuja was built on movement, but not all movement was equal. Some moved in with access to power, opportunity, and structure. Others were moved out of the spaces they once called home, willingly by compensation and forced by demolition. Moving on, why were they asked to move out and offered compensation and demolition in return? Answer: It was because their land and presence were considered secondary to the political and administrative purpose of building a new capital. With the relocation of government from Lagos to Abuja, priority was given to creating a planned city for government officials, politicians, and public institutions. In addition, according to historical records of F.C.T administration key figures in the early administration and development of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) included Mamman Jiya Vatsa, who served as Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, and Abubakar Koko, who was involved in early implementation and relocation processes.As a result, indigenous communities such as the Gbagyi were asked to relocate, with compensation offered for land and property. Some accepted and moved to resettlement areas outside the city, while others resisted or were later displaced as urban development expanded.With this, It should not be shocking, why no state in Nigeria reflects the realities of classism more starkly than Abuja, and why the divide continues to widen because it was designed to. From the onset, the creation of the capital involved restructuring land use and relocating indigenous communities. While compensation and relocation were offered, the long-term outcome was not equal integration into the city, but spatial separation.Over time, this contributed to a visible divide between planned, high-cost districts and outlying settlements where many lower-income residents live today. So the inequality seen in Abuja is not accidental it is the result of how the city was designed, built, and expanded over time. As a result, the capital expanded, many people moved into Abuja from different states, including the poor, the middle class, and the wealthy.Consequently, settlement patterns began to follow economic capacity and access to resources. The wealthy concentrated in high-cost, fully planned districts such as Maitama, Asokoro, and parts of Wuse, where rent and cost of living are very high due to strong infrastructure, security presence, and proximity to government institutions.In contrast, the middle class occupied districts such as Garki, Jabi, and Utako, where rent and living costs are moderate but still significantly higher than in many other Nigerian cities.Meanwhile, low-income residents were largely concentrated in satellite towns and peripheral settlements such as Kubwa, Nyanya, Lugbe, and Karu, where rent is lower but daily living is affected by transport costs, overcrowding, and limited infrastructure.Meanwhile, this spatial arrangement reflects how the structure of Abuja distributes people based on income and access. The city is not evenly lived in, it is economically separated.Therefore, this explains why stark classism continues to exist in Abuja today. We have Classim in the following Areas: Classism in job access within Abuja is seen in how employment opportunities are shared. It is not based only on qualification, but also on class upper class, middle class, and lower class. In federal institutions like the Federal Inland Revenue Service and the Central Bank of Nigeria, the competition is strong, but the upper class often has an advantage through family influence, referrals, and access to decision-makers. The middle class may gain access through merit mixed with limited connections, while the lower class often relies only on merit and faces more barriers. Similarly, in private companies like MTN Nigeria and Access Bank, the upper class tends to secure internships and jobs faster due to stronger networks and exposure. The middle class competes fairly but still needs connections to stand out, while the lower class often struggles despite qualifications. As a result, job opportunities in Abuja are unevenly distributed across classes, with the upper class moving faster into positions of power, while the lower class remains at a disadvantage.Classism is also visible in corps member postings within Abuja under the National Youth Service Corps.Some corps members are posted to central, well-developed areas like Maitama, Asokoro, and Wuse, where living conditions are better, security is stronger, and access to government offices is easier.Others are posted to outer and more crowded areas such as Kubwa, Nyanya, Lugbe, and Karu, where transport is difficult, housing is cheaper but less comfortable, and daily movement into the city center is harder.Classism in business treatment within Abuja can be clearly seen in how people are served differently based on their class, appearance, and money.For example, in high-end places around Maitama, Asokoro, and Wuse, upper-class customers are usually treated with more respect, faster service, and extra attention. Simply looking wealthy or influential can change how you are received.But in places like Kubwa, Nyanya, Lugbe, and Karu, the experience is different. Middle- and lower-class customers often get more basic treatment, slower service, and less attention, even when the business is the same type.As a result, you can walk into the same city, even the same kind of business, but the way you are treated often depends on your class. Classism in universities within Abuja can be seen in how access to education, learning conditions, and student experience are shaped by class. In Abuja, there are institutions like the University of Abuja (a federal university), alongside private universities such as Baze University, Nile University of Nigeria, Veritas University Abuja, and others like the African University of Science and Technology and Philomath University. While public institutions serve a wider population, private universities are mostly attended by students from wealthier families due to high tuition fees. Ultimately, In the likes of these, upper-class students are more likely to study in well-equipped private universities with stable academic calendars and better facilities. Middle-class students often attend public universities where costs are lower but resources can be limited. Lower-class students, on the other hand, struggle the most with fees, accommodation, and academic stability, which can delay or even prevent access to higher education. In this way, university education in Abuja reflects class differences, where the quality of experience is often shaped not just by admission, but by financial capacity. To conclude, classism in Abuja is deeply rooted in the city’s origin and development. From the creation of the Federal Capital Territory and the displacement of indigenous communities to the structured distribution of housing, jobs, and education, inequality has been built into the system. As a result, access to opportunity continues to follow class lines, shaping how people live and are treated. Therefore, Abuja’s divide is not accidental but a lasting outcome of its design and growth.

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